Foki na Cape Cross, Sptizkoppe i nieplanowany offroad (dzień 8)19 sierpnia 2018
Z wizytą w wiosce Himba (dzień 10)2 września 2018
Mijamy w odwrotnej kolejności kolejne bramy które pokonywaliśmy po ciemku, poprzedniego dnia wieczorem. Po drodze spotykamy znak „uwaga słonie” – powiększa on naszą kolekcję namibijskich znaków drogowych, a my pełni nadziei jeszcze bardziej rozglądamy się na boki niż do tej pory. Słoni na tej wyprawie jeszcze nie spotkaliśmy.
Zatrzymujemy się aby zatankować w Uis. Jest to jedyne miasteczko na naszej dzisiejszej trasie.
Próbujemy zrobić zakupy, ale niestety trudno o sklepy czynne w niedzielę, a na stacji wielkiego wyboru nie ma. Na szczęście mamy zapasy kupione za radą Jurka jeszcze w Swakopmund. Kupujemy jedynie drewno na ognisko.
Piszę o tej stacji jak nigdy, bo nie sklepik i nie drewno było atrakcją, a pierwsze kobiety Herero w tradycyjnych strojach. Trochę zaskoczeni tym nieoczekiwanym spotkaniem nie robimy nawet sobie z nimi zdjęć… zresztą ich stroje wyglądają tak, jakby się w nie specjalnie przebrały do pozowania z turystami.
Czytaliśmy, że one tak chodzą po ulicach… ale co innego czytać, a co innego zobaczyć… eghh zaskoczyły nas 😊
Aaa... można było kupić cukierki luzem z automatu - nie skusiliśmy się :-)
Jedziemy dalej, podziwiając zmieniające się leniwie pustynne krajobrazy, gdy nagle na poboczu zaczynają się pojawiać stragany i co najważniejsze lokalne kobiety – Himba i Herero. Mijamy pierwszy... mijamy drugi – stoją tam jacyś turyści… przy trzecim postanawiamy się zatrzymać. Mamy świadomość, że wpadamy pod presję zakupów i negocjacji, ale po to tu przyjechaliśmy.
Co jeśli więcej ich nie będzie? Musimy mieć ten pierwszy kontakt.
Spotykamy pierwsze HimbaZatrzymuję samochód. Panie czekają przy straganach, a my gramolimy się jak nie wiem co… nie jest łatwo tak po prostu wysiąść – moje dziewczyny muszą założyć buty, ja muszę zmienić obiektyw, trzeba poszukać kasy… chyba trochę to trwa za długo, ale w końcu jest – ‘biała człowieka’ opuszcza samochód.
Dziewczyny stoją za swoimi straganikami i się słodko uśmiechają… my też się uśmiechamy, ale jest, jakby to powiedzieć, trochę drętwo. Trzeba by coś kupić, zagadać, zaprzyjaźnić się…
Nauczeni doświadczeniem, że o cenę trzeba ostrożnie pytać, bo potem często niezręcznie jest nie kupić, szukamy drobiazgów, których cena – jak przypuszczamy – zwali nas z nóg. Wybieramy małe rzeźby – słonika, żyrafkę… cena ‘hundred dollars’ (na szczęście namibijskich)… inne drobiazgi też po 100 dolców. Okazuje się, że niewiele rozumieją z naszego angielskiego… Mamy wrażenie, że 100 dolarów to uniwersalna cena na wszystko.
Zostawiam ekipę w negocjacjach, a sam próbuję pokonać onieśmielenie i przyjrzeć się im dokładniej. Mimo wszystko grupa dziewcząt topless nie jest codzienną sytuacją. Co innego praca nad aktem sam na sam w studio, a co innego handel z pół nagą babą 😊 Okazuje się, że za rolę modelki też sobie liczą… 100 dolców, a jakżeby inaczej. Na szczęście jednorazowo, za wszystkie, bez limitu zdjęć 😊
Wraca ze zdjęciem, a panie sprawiają wrażenie, że widzą coś takiego po raz pierwszy. Ta co dostała je pierwsza patrzy na papier, patrzy na koleżanki, potem znów na papier i z entuzjazmem zwołuje ekipę pokazując im palcami, że są na papierze.
Proszą nas jeszcze o wodę, soki i jak mam to koce bo w nocy jest zimno. (Ooo – to oni tez marzną!). Pozbywamy się namiarowej części wody, soków… koców nie mamy.
Zastanawiałem się wcześniej co ‘przywieźć tubylcom’? Długopisy, balony, słodycze, paciorki… wszystko to wydało mi się głupie… stąd pomysł z drukarką. Drugim razem jakbyśmy jechali to zabrałbym właśnie koszulki dla dzieci, jakieś koce z ikei itp… Darek rozmawiał na stacji ze sprzedawcą kamieni – z chęcią chciał je wymienić na starego t-shirta. Bo za pieniądze to on niewiele kupi.. może jedzenie na stacji… Coś w tym jest. Warto przygotowując się do podróży pomyśleć i poszukać w sieci czego potrzebują tubylcy w danym regionie.
Szczęśliwi jedziemy na spotkanie ludu Damara.
Damara living museumKiedyś byłem bardzo negatywnie nastawiony do takich miejsc. Traktowałem je jako skanseny, coś „sztucznego”. Moje podejście odmieniła wizyta w takiej wiosce na Borneo. Serdeczność i życzliwość „mieszkańców” jest nie do opisania… Oni tam są nie „w pracy”, a rzeczywiście po to, aby pokazać i przybliżyć turystom swoją kulturę. To jak żyją lub żyli. Czujesz się gościem, a cała ‘obsługa’ ma się wrażenie, że spełnia misję i jest z tego dumna. Liczymy, że u Damara będzie tak samo.
Damara to obok Buszmenów najstarsza nacja w Namibii. To plemiona łowiecko-zbieracko-pasterskie. Jeśli wierzyć przewodnikowi – ginący jest także ich charakterystyczny język. Jednym słowem – nie można przegapić! I następnym razem na pewno zarezerwujemy więcej czasu na ten punkt wyprawy, bo jednym słowem było SUPER!
Przed odjazdem zostawiamy pamiątkowe zdjęcia… Tak – to był strzał w dziesiątkę z tą drukarką. Jest o czym pogadać… jest pretekst do tego, aby zrobić więcej zdjęć… jedyne co, to drukowanie trwa za wolno… I tak zostajemy długo po czasie…
Tutaj możecie posłuchać i zobaczyć Damara live (przepraszamy za wiatr):
Tutaj krótki filmik z drukowania zdjęć :-)
The Damara, plural Damaran (Khoekhoegowab: ǂNūkhoen, Black people, German: Bergdamara, referring to their extended stay in hilly and mountainous sites, also called at various times the Daman or the Damaqua) are an ethnic group who make up 8.5% of Namibia's population. They speak the Khoekhoe language (like the Nama people) and the majority live in the northwestern regions of Namibia, however they are also found widely across the rest of the country.
Genetic studies have found that Damara are closely related to neighbouring Himba and Herero people, consistent with an origin from Bantu speakers who shifted to a different language and culture.
Their name in their own language is the "Daman" (where the "-n" is just the Khoekhoe plural ending). The name "Damaqua" stems from the addition of the Khoekhoe suffix "-qua/khwa" meaning "people" (found in the names of other Southern African peoples like the Namaqua and the Griqua).
Prior to 1870 the hunter-gatherer Damaran occupied most of central Namibia they used to practice pastoralism with sheep and cattle, but were also agriculturalist planting pumpkins, corn, tobacco. The Damaran were also copper-smiths known for their ability to melt copper and used to make ornaments, jewellery, knives and spear heads out of iron. The Damaran just like the Sān believed in communal ownership of land meaning that no individual owned land as God had given land to everyone. Thus, rather than one person owning good grazing land and another seeking out an existence, all would live in harmony. It was for this reason that many were displaced when the Nama and Herero began to occupy this area in search of better grazing. Thereafter the Damara were dominated by the Namaqua and the Herero, most living as servants in their households.
In 1960, the South African government forced the Damara into the bantustan of Damaraland, an area of poor soil and irregular rainfall. About half of their numbers still occupy Damaraland.
According to written accounts of the history of the Damaran which dates back to the leadership of the Damaras as far back as the 14th century (1390), substantiated by archaeological and ethnological evidence reflected to those records, the Damaran next to the Sān, are the first inhabitants of what is today known as Namibia. Oral tradition has it that the Damaran came to Namibia from ǁKhaus (Equatorial Rainforest) through ǃĀǂkhib centuries ago.
The Damaran initially settled between Huriǂnaub (Kunene River) and ǃGûǁōb (Kavango River), before entering what later-on centuries long after became known as ǀNaweǃhūb (Ovamboland). The Damaran moved southwards and were living peacefully as a single group in the area that is a stone's throw and an eagle's flight in the surrounding of Dâureb (Brandberg Mountain), Paresis Mountains, ǃHōb (Waterberg), the Omatako Mountains, Otavi Mountains and ǃOeǂgâb (Erongo Mountains). Oral and written historical records have it that intruders, reportedly under the leadership of a certain Mukumbi (Mûtsixubi) invaded that area in 1600, and clashed with the Damaran.
The Damaran dispersed in splinter groups as a result of the aftermath of this battle wherein the then Damara Gaob (King), Gaob ǀNarimab succumbed due to injuries sustained in the battle. The Damara, besides the ǀGowanîn, splinter groups then settled all over the country in areas where there was an abundant water and shelter in the form of mountains.
Remnants of the group that was led by Gaob ǀNarimab who dispersed moved eastwards and settled in the ǀGowas, also known as ǀŪmâs (Kalahari Desert) and got the name ǀGowanîn (Damaran of the Kalahari- later referred to as the Sand Kaffers by the imperialist Germans). Another group fled to mountainous central Namibia seeking shelter in ǀKhomas (Khomas Hochland), ǃAoǁaexas Mountains, ǂĒros (Eros Mountains) and ǀAu-ās (Auas Mountains) and became known as the ǀKhomanin (Damaran of the [ǀKhomas] mountains), later referred to as the Berg Damara.
The group that remained in and around ǃOeǂgâb (Erongo Mountains) and settled nearby present-day ǀÂǂgommes (Okombahe) got to be known as the ǃOeǂgân (Damaran of the Erongo Mountain).
Another group, the |Gaiodaman, moved towards the area of ǃKhuidiǁgams (Omaruru) and Parase!homgu (Paresis Mountains), and later-on moved back to area west of ǃHob (Waterberg). During the 1904 wars with the German colonial forces, some members of the ǀGaiodaman fled with the Ovaherero to Piriǃhūb (Botswana), whereas some settled at ǀŪgowas in the vicinity of ǃHob (Waterberg Mountain).
The major group of Damaras fled down towards the south, as far as the ǃGarib (Orange River) and settled in that area, and installed Gaob !Gariseb as their leader. This group moved back northwards around 1670, and settled at ǂKhanubes, wherefrom they moved and split into two groups, one of which settled in the vicinity of ǂAixorobes (Tsumeb) and the other one led by Gaob ǀNarirab settled at |Haigomab!gaus, south-east of Otjituuo. The latter-mentioned group split up in four (4) factions:
- One group moved to the ǃHoaruseb River, and systematically down towards the Atlantic Ocean following the said river and settling on its banks, and they became known as the ǃNaranin and ǃHoarusedaman respectively.
- The other group moved to the ǁHuanib River, and inhabited the area of ǃNani|audi (Sesfontein), and was called by the name ǁHuanidaman.
- The third faction moved towards the Dâureb (Brandberg) and got the name Dâuredaman and ǃNamidaman.
- The last faction moved towards Anibira-āhes (Fransfontein), and Aroǃhūb area, and they were later joined by the ǂAodaman who moved thereto from the Paresis Mountains.
The remainder of clans not mentioned above came into existence as a result of fractions in they already mentioned clans.
- Gaob ǁAruseb (1640–1665)- ǂKhanubes (Okanjande) in the vicinity of ǃHob (Waterberg)
- Gaob ǀNarimab (1665–1715)- Gamaǂhiras (Otjimbamba)
- Gaob ǃGariseb (1715–1740)- Guxanus (near Waterberg) and ǂKhanubes (Okanjande)
- Gaob ǀNawabeb (1740- 1790)- ǂKhanubes (Okanjande)
- Gaob Xamseb (1790–1812)- ǀAeǁgams (Windhoek)
- Kai Gaob ǃGausib ǁGuruseb (1812- 1865)- ǂGans (Gamsberg)
- Gaob Abraham ǁGuruseb (1865– 1880)- ǂGans (Gamsberg) and (1866–1880)- ǀÂǂgommes (Okombahe)
- Gaob Cornelius Goreseb (1880– 1910)- ǀÂǂgommes (Okombahe)
- Gaob Judas Goreseb (1910–1953)
- Gaob David Goreseb (1953–1976)
- Gaob Justus ǀUruhe ǁGaroëb (1977–present)
The Damara consist of 34 clans:
At least 12 Damara clans were recorded by the beginning of 1800 with various identities and leadership styles.
- Animîn: lit. Let them say/ the birds say- In the vicinity of ǃNoagutsaub, commonly known as Kaiǁkhaes (Okahandja).
- Aoguwun: lit. Tiger eye stones/ Sheep rams- To the south of ǂGaios commonly known as ǃNaniǀaus (Sesfontein) in Gaogob (Kaokoveld). The Aoguwun are also known as the Aogūdaman.
- Aopeǁaen: lit. Firefly Damaras- Named as such as a result of the Fireflies/ glow-worms of family lampyridae that illuminated the skies above the fountain of ǃGuidiǁgams (Omaruru) at night.
- Arodaman: lit. Damaras of the Sandveldt- In and around ǃHōb also known as Apabeb (Waterberg). The Arodaman later shared their land with the Herero (Kavazembi) who arrived much later.
- Aumîn: lit. Bitter words and blessings- To the north and east of ǃHōb also known as Apabeb (Waterberg).
- Auodaman: lit. Named after a medicinal plant endemic to the Auos Mountains- Down the Auob River around ǃAris (Steenbok).
- Auridaman: lit. Damaras of Aurib- Aurib is an arid land to the east of Gamaǂhâb (Kamanjab).
- Danidaman: : lit Honey Damaras- To the east of Tsawiǀaus (Otavi). The Danidaman have intermingled with the Haiǁom and ǀNawen (Aawambo) who arrived much later.
- Dâuredaman: lit. Damaras of the Brandberg- Dâureb is Khoekhoegowab for Brandberg. In the vicinity of Dâureb (Brandberg) and are also known as the Dâunadaman.
- Hâkodaman: lit. Damaras of the Hakos Mountains- The Khoekhoegowab name for the Hakos Mountain is Hâkos. In the Hâko Mountains between Aous and ǂGans (Gamsberg Mountains).
- Kaikhāben: lit. Great Rivals- North of ǃAutsawises (Berseba) on both banks of the ǁAub (Fish River).
- Tsoaxudaman: lit. Damaras of the Swakop River valley- Tsoaxaub is Khoekhoegowab for Swakop River. The Tsoaxudaman are also known as the Tsoaxaudaman.
- ǀGainîn: lit. The tough people – Between ǁGōbamǃnâs (Bullspoort/ Naukluft) and the southern ǃNamib (Namib) sand sea. Their name is derived from their ability to survive in such an environment. ǀGainîn can also be spelled as ǀGaiǁîn.
- ǀGaioaman: lit. Damaras that consume the wild cucumber- In the vicinity of the Paresis Mountains. From Tsūob (Outjo) beyond of ǃHōb also known as Apabeb (Waterberg). They lived along the river ǁKūob (Omuramba Omatako).
- ǀGowanîn: lit. Damaras of the dunes (Kalahari Desert): Inhabited the entire ǀGowas also known as ǀŪmâs (Kalahari Desert) from ǀGaoǁnāǀaus commonly known as ǀAnes (Rehoboth), ǃHoaxaǃnâs (Hoachanas) and ǀGowabes commonly known as ǂKhoandawes (Gobabis). ǀGowanîn can also be spelled as ǀGowaǁîn.
- ǀHaiǀgâsedaman: lit. Damaras of Vaalgras. The ǀHaiǀgâsedaman live in and around ǀHaiǀgâseb (Vaalgras), Tsēs (Tses) and ǃKhōb (Witrand- limestone terrace near Mukorob) in southern Namibia.
- ǀHūǃgaoben: lit. Named after the Kanniedood tree endemic to the area. The Khoekhoegowab name for the "Kanniedood" tree is ǀHūs. They live in and around ǀGaoǁnāǀaus commonly known as ǀAnes (Rehoboth) also known as the !Ainîn| !Ainîdaman.
- ǀKhomanîn: lit. Damaras of the Khomas Hochland- The Khoekhoegowab name for the Khomas Hochland is ǀKhomas. To the east of the mountains of ǀGaoǁnāǀaus commonly known as ǀAnes (Rehoboth) and in and around Kaisabes commonly known as ǀAeǁgams (Windhoek). ǀKhomanîn can also be spelled as ǀKhomaǁîn, in 1854 were more than 40,000 in number.
- ǁHoanidaman: lit. Damaras of the Hoanib River. The Khoekhoegowab name of the Hoanib River is ǁHoanib. The ǁHoanidaman live along the length of the ǁHoanib (Hoanib River) and are also known as the Hoanidaman.
- ǁHuruben: lit. The people that grumble/mumble- Live in and around ǀUiǁaes (Twyfelfontein), between ǁHûab (Huab River) and ǃŪǂgâb (Ugab River). They are called ǁHuruben because they speakn a distinct dialect of Khoekhoegowab that sounds more like "grumbling/mumbling."
- ǁHûadaman: lit. Damaras of the Huab River- The Khoekhoegowab name of the Huab River is ǁHûab. The ǁHûadaman live along the length of the ǁHûab (Huab River).
- ǃAinîdaman: lit. Damaras of the plains. ǃAib in Khoekhoegowab means the savannah alias open fields or plains and the !Ainîdaman alias !Ainîn were named after those environs. Note, the greater Haradab (Hardap region) is also called !Aib as a result of its open flat terrain. They live in the open fields in and around but also to the south of ǀGaoǁnāǀaus commonly known as ǀAnes (Rehoboth), also in the hilly outcrops to the west [ǀKhomas] and arid semi-desert regions of the Kalahari Basin to the east [ǀGopas]. ǃAinîn can also be spelled as !Aiǁîn. This community also went with the name ǀHūǃgaoben| ǀHūǃgaodaman archaically ǂGāsedaman or ǀAnesdaman [Rehoboth Damaras].
- ǃAobeǁaen: lit. Feared nation/ People living on the periphery- They are found in and around ǃGuidiǁgams (Omaruru). This clan originally lived in the Khomas Hochland and were moved to ǃGuidiǁgams (Omaruru) thus were called ǃAobeǁaen (People living on the periphery i.e. people that are excluded) as they were moved without their consent.
- ǃGarinîn: lit. Damaras of the Orange River. The Khoekhoegowab name of the Orange River is ǃGarib. The ǃGarinîn are the southernmost Damara clan and live along the ǃGarib (Orange River). ǃGarinîn can also be spelled as ǃGariǁîn.
- ǃHâuǁnain: lit. Riem belt: Around the Orange and Molopo Rivers, South – Eastern Namibian Border. The ǃHâuǁnain are also known as ǃHâuǃgaen (Riemvasmakers). In the early 1930s people of Xhosa, Damara, Herero, Nama, and Coloured origin settled in the Northern Cape and named their main settlement Riemvasmaak. In the early 1970s the ǃHâuǁnain were deported to their ethnic homelands by the apartheid government to make place for a military testing site. The Damara group was sent to Khōrixas (Khorixas) in the Damaraland bantustan in South-West Africa (today Namibia). They were given land by Damara Chief Justus ǁGaroëb to settle in that area. When in 1994 with the independence of South Africa a process of land restitution allowed the return of families and communities, some of the Riemvasmakers returned but a residual group founded their own traditional authority. They are seeking recognition from the Namibian government to be recognised as a separate Damara clan.
- ǃKhuisedaman: lit. Damaras of the Kuiseb River. The Khoekhoegowab name for the Kuiseb River is ǃKhuiseb. The ǃKhuisedaman live along the length of the ǃKhuiseb (Kuiseb River), they are also founded at the mouth of this river that later developed into a settlement ǃGommenǁgams (Walvis Bay).
- ǃNamidaman: lit. Damaras of the Namib Desert- The Khoekhoegowab name for the Namib Desert is ǃNamib. The ǃNamidaman lived primarily between ǃŪxab (Ugab River) and Huriǂnaub (Kunene River), they are also called Namidaman.
- ǃNaranîn: lit. ǃNara plant Damaras- It may be that the ǃNaranîn people mostly consumed the ǃNara plant or that the plants grew abundantly in their land. TheǃNaranîn live to the south-west of ǂGaios commonly known as ǃNaniǀaus (Sesfontein) in Gaogob (Kaokoveld). ǃNaranîn can also be spelled as ǃNaraǁîn.
- ǃNarenîn: lit. Freezing Damaras- Between ǃHanās (Kalkrand) and ǂNūǂgoaes (Keetmanshoop). The ǃNarenîn are named as such as a result of the cold temperatures experienced over this areas during the winter months. They have over the years intermingled with the Nama and are regarded as Namdaman. ǃNarenîn can also be spelled as ǃNareǁîn.
- ǃOeǂgân: lit. People who take shelter with sunset/ Mountain with curved slopes- In and around ǃOeǂgâb (Erongo Mountains), ǃŪsaǃkhōs (Usakos) and ǃAmaib (Ameib).
- ǃOmmen: lit. Muscular people- At ǃHōb also known as Apabeb (Waterberg), along ǂĒseb (Omaruru River) and between ǀÂǂgommes (Okombahe) and ǃOmmenǃgaus (Wilhelmstal). The ǃOmmen were previously ǀGowanîn and were the original inhabitants of ǀÂǂgommes (Okombahe).
- ǂAodaman: lit. Damara living on the fringes. Between Gamaǂhâb (Kamanjab), Tsūob (Outjo) and Tsawiǀaus (Otavi). Primarily at Khōrixas (Khorixas) and to the east of ǂGaios commonly known as ǃNaniǀaus (Sesfontein) in Gaogob (Kaokoveld).
- ǂGaodaman: lit. Damaras of the ǂGaob River- In and around the ǂGaob River, which runs parallel with the ǃKhuiseb (Khuseb River) to the left and branch out into the ǃKhuiseb (Kuiseb River).
- ǂGawan: Insolent or audacious people: Between ǂĀǂams (Stampriet) and ǃGoregura-ābes commonly known as Khāxatsūs (Gibeon). This people have over the years intermingled with the local ǀKhowese (Witbooi) and surrounding Nama clans.
The Damara are divided into clans, each headed by a chief, with a King, Justus ǁGaroëb, over the whole Damara people. Prince ǀHaihāb, Chief Xamseb, and ǁGuruseb were among the richest and most powerful chiefs.
Damara males were not circumcised. However, groups of boys were initiated into manhood through an elaborate hunting ritual. This ritual is repeated twice, for teenagers and grown men, after which the initiates are considered clan elders.
Their traditional clothing colors are green, white, and blue. Green and blue identify the different sub-groups. Some women may wear white and blue or white and green, the white representing peace and unity among all Damara-speaking people.
The women do household chores like cooking, cleaning, and gardening. Their primary duty is milking the cows in the morning and nurturing the young. Men traditionally hunt and herd the cattle, leaving the village as early as the sunrise, patrolling their area to protect their cattle and grazing ground as tradition dictates. Men can be very aggressive towards intruders if not notified of any other male presence in a grazing area.
Though many Damara people own and live on rural farms, the majority live in the small towns scattered across the Erongo region or in Namibia's capital city of Windhoek. Those that still live on farms tend to live in extended family groups of as many as one hundred, creating small villages of family members.
The Damara are rich in cattle and sheep. Some chiefs possess up to 8,000 head of horned cattle.
The supreme deity of the Damaran (ǂNūkhoen) is ǁGamab, also referred to as ǁGammāb (provider of water), ǁGauna (Sān), ǁGaunab (Khoekhoe) and Haukhoin (Khoekhoe: foreigners) by the Khoekhoe.
He lives in a high heaven, even above the heaven of the stars. ǁGamab, from ǁGam, Khoekhoe: water, and mā, Khoekhoe: give is provider of the water and thus associated with the rising clouds, thunder, lightning and water. He ensured the annual renewal of nature being the cycle of the seasons and supplied game animals to the ǃgarob (Khoekhoe: veld) and the Damaran. One of his chief responsibilities is to warrant the growth of crops.
ǁGamab is also the God of Death, directing the fate of mankind. He shoots arrows at humans from his place above the skies and those struck fall ill and die. After death, the souls of the dead make their way to ǁGamab's village in the heaven above stars and gather around him at a ritual fire. Then he offers them a drink from a bowl of liquid fat to drink, as a reward.
ǁGamab's arch-enemy is the evil ǁGaunab.
Historic traditional attire
The Damara made use of animal hides for clothing. The principal animal hides that were used were those of springbok and goats for clothing and sheep and jackal for blankets. Damaran traditional attires differentiated between a girl, an unmarried or married woman and an elderly woman in the same manner that it differentiated between boys, unmarried and married men and men of age. Some outfits were reserved for special ceremonies in contrast to everyday garments.
A girl in a Damara context is any female that has not yet undergone the menstrual cycle while a boy is any male that has not yet undergone the first hunting ritual. A girl stays in the house for the duration of her first menstrual cycle. A hunting ritual was performed in the Damara culture as Damara males were not circumcised. The first hunting ritual was performed by boys in order to become man and the second by man to become community elders. All Damara children regardless of sex wore a ǃgaes, an apron like loin-cloth that covers genitalia. Girls would at a tender age undergo the ǂgaeǂnoas (have earring holes made) after which black thread would be inserted until such a time they will first start wearing ǃgamdi (earrings).
A man in the Damara context is any male that has undergone the first hunting ritual while a woman is any female that has experienced the menstrual cycle. The Damara culture would continue to differentiate between a married and unmarried man or woman. An unmarried man is called an axa-aob while a woman is an oaxaes. An unmarried man would simply wear a ǁnaweb which is a loin-cloth that is tucked in between the legs while an unmarried woman wore a ǃgaes to cover genitalia and a ǀgâubes to cover the rears.
A married man that has a child or children is called an aob, while a married woman with children is a taras. Such a man would wear a sorab which is a strip of soft leather worn between legs. Both ends are tucked under thong around waist and flapped over at front and the back. They would also wear a danakhōb which is the skin of any smallish animal that the wife presents to her husband at their wedding to wear on his head. The men would wear the "head hide" to ceremonies and on auspicious occasions to show that he is the head of a household. The hide would preferably be of a ǃnoreb (a common genet). Married women just like girls would wear a ǀgâubes (rear loincloth) and would wear a ǀawiǃgaes (loincloth consisting of strips) instead of a regular ǃgaes. A ǁkhaikhōb would also be worn only to ceremonies and on auspicious occasions, but mostly during pregnancy and by elder women on a daily basis. The ǁkhaikhōb is the hide of a medium-sized antelope most preferably a ǀhauib (a Damara dik-dik) or a dôas, ǀnâus (Duiker) that is worn to cover breast and the abdomen (during pregnancy).
An elderly man, kaikhoeb, is any Damara male that has undergone the second and last hunting ritual. An elderly woman, a kaikhoes, is a female or a lady (khaokhoes) that has concluded her menstrual cycle. All elderly men and women would wear a ǃgūb, which is a skirt-like loin-cloth or traditional skirt for men and women. Elderly women would also wear a ǁkhaikhōb and sometimes a khōǃkhaib (headgear fashioned of soft hide).
Women being more aware of beautification would wear ǃgamdi (small traditional earrings made from iron and or copper) and wear necklaces made of ostrich egg shells known as a ǁnûib in Khoekhoegowab. Women wore ǃganudi (arm bangles) and ǃgoroǃkhuidi (ornamental anklets) they also originally made from iron and or copper later replaced by beads and or ostrich egg shells. An anklet made from moth larvae (ǀkhîs) was also worn but only during performances/dances along with a tussled apron known as a ǀhapis (for females) and or ǀhapib (for males)
ǃNau-i (traditional facial foundation) also played a significant part in Damara and the wider Khoekhoe cosmetics. Women would ǀīǃnâ (perfume) hides and blankets by stewing buchu on hot stones placed under a ǀīǃnâs (dome-shaped basket) after which they would boro themselves (smear red ochre on their faces) early in the morning. They would also sprinkle some sâ-i (buchu powder) on their hides and blankets with a ǃūro-ams (powder-puff made from a piece of hare fur used to pluck ǃūros (tortoise-shell container, carried by women for holding sâ-i) to power oneself.)
Man also wore arm bangles (ǃganugu) and ǃgoroǃkhuigu (anklets) which were unadorned in design and denser than those of women. A strand of beads that criss-crossed the chess known as a karab was also worn by men. Tsaob (ash) was used as an anti-perspiring agent by the Damaran as they believe that it is the purest substance on Earth.
Contemporary traditional attire
The replacement of animal hides with fabrics has also been visible in the Damara culture as the aforementioned outfits are mostly worn to cultural ceremonies and on auspicious occasions. Thus the Damaran sought for a perfect substitution for animal hides and introduced the Damarokoes (Damara dress). The Damarokoes was adopted from missionary wives in the mid-19th century and was introduced due to the Christianisation of the Damaran as missionaries saw the animal hides as "primitive and exposing". The dress adopted to cover up the "nude" Damara women ensured just that with its ankle-lengthiness and long sleeves and a ǃkhens (shawl) to ensure maximum coverage.
The Dama ǃkhaib (headgear) is a unique innovation of the Damara women as they shaped a headgear that can be fashionable yet work effective as they still could ǂkhao (carry/load something on head) water containers and firewood. It is not only the ǃkhaib that was fashionable and work effective but also the sleeves as the sleeves have a protruding elbow design allowing the elbow to contract and release without constrains. The length of the dress is also fashionable and work effective as it is not too long so as to be caught by twigs, branches and or thorns.
Damara men on the other hand were shirts, coats and or blazers with Damara colours being blue, white and green, sometimes with print or embroidery.
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Twyfelfontein (Afrikaans: uncertain spring), officially known as ǀUi-ǁAis (Damara/Nama: jumping waterhole), is a site of ancient rock engravings in the Kunene Region of north-western Namibia. It consists of a spring in a valley flanked by the slopes of a sandstone table mountain that receives very little rainfall and has a wide range of diurnal temperatures.
The site has been inhabited for 6,000 years, first by hunter-gatherers and later by Khoikhoi herders. Both ethnic groups used it as a place of worship and a site to conduct shamanist rituals. In the process of these rituals at least 2,500 items of rock carvings have been created, as well as a few rock paintings. Displaying one of the largest concentrations of rock petroglyphs in Africa, UNESCO approved Twyfelfontein as Namibia's first World Heritage Site in 2007.
Twyfelfontein valley has been inhabited by Stone-age hunter-gatherers of the Wilton stone age culture group since approximately 6,000 years ago. They made most of the engravings and probably all the paintings. 2,000 to 2,500 years ago the Khoikhoi, an ethnic group related to the San (Bushmen), occupied the valley, then known under its Damara/Nama name ǀUi-ǁAis (jumping waterhole). The Khoikhoi also produced rock art which can clearly be distinguished from the older engravings.
The area was uninhabited by Europeans until after World War II, when a severe drought caused white Afrikaans speaking farmers (Boers) to move in. The farm was later procured by the apartheid government as part of the Odendaal Plan and became part of the Damaraland bantustan. The white settlers left in 1965.
Topographer Reinhard Maack, who also discovered the White Lady rock painting at Brandberg, reported the presence of rock engravings in the area in 1921. A more thorough investigation was only conducted after David Levin studied the feasibility of farming in 1947. He rediscovered the spring but struggled to extract enough water to sustain his family and his herd. Slowly becoming obsessed with doubts about the capacity of the spring an Afrikaans-speaking friend began calling him David Twyfelfontein (David Doubts-the-spring) in jest. When Levin bought the land and registered his farm in 1948 he gave it the name Twyfelfontein. While commonly being translated as doubtful spring, a more accurate translation for the word twyfel is therefore "questionable" or "uncertain".
In 1950 scientific investigation of the rock art started with an investigation by Ernst Rudolph Scherz who described over 2500 rock engravings on 212 sandstone slabs. Today it is estimated that the site contains more than 5000 individual depictions.
Location and description
Twyfelfontein is situated in the southern Kunene Region of Namibia, an area formerly known as Damaraland. The site lies on the banks of the Aba Huab River in the Huab valley of the Mount Etjo formation. The rocks containing the art work are situated in a valley flanked by the slopes of a sandstone table mountain. An underground aquifer on an impermeable layer of shale sustains a spring in this otherwise very dry area. The name Twyfelfontein refers to the spring itself, to the valley containing the spring, and in the context of traveling and tourism also to a greater area containing nearby tourist attractions: the rock engravings, the Organ Pipes, Burnt Mountain, Doros crater, and the Petrified Forest. The World Heritage Site covers the area of rock engravings.
The area is a transitional zone between semi desert, savanna, and shrubland and receives less than 150 mm (5.9 in) annual rainfall. Diurnal temperatures vary from 10 to 28 °C (50 to 82 °F) in the winter month of July and 21 to 35 °C (70 to 95 °F) in the summer month of November.
Twyfelfontein lies 20 km (12 mi) south of the C39 major road from Sesfontein to Khorixas. From there it is connected by the district road D3214. The Twyfelfontein Country Lodge features a gravel airstrip. The lodge, camp site, visitor's centre and most of the other tourist facilities are managed as a joint venture between the lodge owners and the Twyfelfontein-Uibasen Conservancy.
The rock art area consists of fourteen smaller sites that have been introduced by Scherz in his initial site survey. They are still used to describe the location of artworks in Twyfelfontein:
|Site number||Site name [Translation]||Coordinates||Important contents|
|1||Nördlich des Zeremonienplatzes [North of the Place of Ceremonies]|
|2||Zeremonienplatz [Place of Ceremonies]|
|3||Die Sieben Tafeln [The Seven Slabs]|
|4||Die Sieben Tafeln [The Seven Slabs] Outlier|
|5||Hasenblock [Hare Rock Block]|
|6||Twyfelfontein Main Site Complex|
|7||The Boulder Field|
|8||Die große Wohnfläche [The Large Living Area]|
|9||Die südliche Wohnfläche [The Southern Living Area]|
|10||Die rechte Talseite [The Right Valley Side]|
|11||Die linke Talseite [The Left Valley Side]|
|12||Der Westliche Berghang [The Western Hill Slope]|
|13||Am Fuß des Westlichen Berghangs [Bottom of the Western Hill]|
|14||Beim Großen Malereiblock [At the Large Paint Block]|
|15||Beim Großen Malereiblock [At the Large Paint Block] Outlier|
Sandstone rocks at Twyfelfontein are covered by the so-called desert varnish, a hard patina that appears brown or dark grey. Engravings were effected by chiseling through this patina, exposing the lighter rock underneath. The indentations were created over the course of thousands of years. The oldest engravings might be as old as 10,000 years, and the creation of new works probably ended by the arrival of pastoral tribes around 1000 AD. Three different types of engravings can be distinguished at Twyfelfontein:
- iconic imagery (images of animals, humans, and fantasy creatures)
- pictograms (geometric rock art like pecked circles, rows of dots)
- indentations for or from everyday use (grinding hollows, board games, gong stones)
Additionally, the site contains rock paintings at 13 different locations, with depictions of humans painted in red ochre in six rock shelters. The similar occurrence of rock paintings and rock engravings is very rare.
The hunter-gatherers made most of the iconic engravings and probably all the paintings. The carvings represent animals such as rhinoceroses, elephants, ostriches and giraffes as well as depictions of human and animal footprints. Some of the figures, most prominently the "Lion Man"—a lion with an extremely long rectangular kinked tail ending in a six-toed pugmark— depict the transformation of humans into animals. This transformation and the depiction of animals together with their tracks make it likely that they were created as part of shamanist rituals. The more simplistic perception that they only show hunter-gatherers' attempts to acquire food is now thought to be naïve.
Engravings of animals that certainly never occurred in this area, like a sea lion, penguins, and possibly flamingos indicate that the hunter-gatherers might have ventured to the coast more than 100 km (62 mi) away. A modern archaeological survey led by Sven Ouzman questions these descriptions of Scherz' initial investigation and describes the not easily recognisable fauna as "strange animals"—rough work of animals, possibly giraffe, that did occur at Twyfelfontein.
The Khoikhoi herders produced the geometric imagery, probably depicting herder groups. They are also the creators of the more worldly indentations in that area that served as grinding hollows and game boards. Some of the stones bear marks from use as gong stones, which make unusual sounds when hit.
The archaeological name of the site is Twyfelfontein 534. It is subdivided into 15 smaller sites as described by Scherz in 1975. Objects from the site include a variety of stone tools made mostly from quartzite. Type and shape of these tools indicate not only the use on rock but also the prevalence of wood and leather working. Artwork such as pendants and beads from ostrich eggshell fragments have been found at several places. Of the items of daily use charcoal and bone fragments have been excavated as well as undecorated pottery fragments, although the pottery might have originated from early farmers rather than the Stone Age culture that produced the rock art.
The archaeological value of the site does not compare with its importance as rock art collection. The findings do, however, support the shamanist origin of the engravings because food remains from the site proved to be bones of small antelope, rock dassie and even lizards rather than the large species depicted.
Site protection and recognition
On 15 Aug 1952 the area was declared a National Monument by the South West African administration. Despite its early recognition, the site was left unguarded until 1986 when the entire area was declared a nature reserve. As a result, many of the petroglyphs were damaged or removed. Additionally, visitors have left their own graffiti on the sandstone slabs.
Under Namibian legislation, the site is now protected under Section 54 of the National Heritage Act. In 2007, UNESCO approved Twyfelfontein as Namibia's first World Heritage Site as one of the largest concentrations of rock petroglyphs in Africa. The organisation recognised "a coherent, extensive and high quality record of ritual practices relating to hunter-gather communities [...] over at least two millennia" (criterion iii), and "links between ritual and economic practices in the apparent sacred association of the land adjacent to an aquifer" according to criterion V of the cultural selection criteria. Twyfelfontein was Namibia's only World Heritage Site until 2013 when the Namib Sand Sea was listed.
To achieve having the site listed by UNESCO, the government of Namibia defined a buffer zone of 91.9 km2 (35.5 sq mi) to protect the visual setting. In the 0.6 km2 (0.2 sq mi) core site, grazing is restricted and the establishment of tourism facilities is prohibited. Although Twyfelfontein is regarded as "generally intact", the Twyfelfontein Country Lodge within the "Zeremonienplatz" (Place of Ceremonies) rock engraving site in the buffer zone is of concern to UNESCO, who stated "This has severely compromised the integrity of the rock engravings in this area." The hiking trail allowed visitors unsupervised access and is seen as running too close to many of the rock-art sites. Site management has, however, improved since applying for World Heritage status, particularly with regards to visitor management; unsupervised hiking is no longer allowed.
References and literature
- Vogt, Andreas (2004). National Monuments in Namibia (1st ed.). Windhoek: Gamsberg Macmillan. pp. 35–37. ISBN 99916-0-593-2.
- "Twyfelfontein: a World Heritage Site". Government of Namibia. Archived from the original on 4 July 2011. Retrieved 17 Aug 2010.
- Thomas, Dowson (2007). "Grave engravings" (PDF). The UNESCO Courier. UNESCO (6): 4–5. ISSN 1993-8616.
- "Twyfelfontein". Tourbrief.com. Retrieved 3 Aug 2010.
- Levin, Michiel; Goldbeck, Mannfred (2013). David Levin of Twyfelfontein : the unknown story. Gondwana history. Windhoek, Namibia: Gondwana Travel Centre (Pty) Ltd. ISBN 9789991688879.
- "Twyfelfontein: Die Quelle des Zweifels" [Twyfelfontein: Spring of Uncertainty]. Gondwana History (in German). reprinted in Allgemeine Zeitung on 20 March 2012. 73.
- Dierks, Klaus. "Chronologie der Namibischen Geschichte 1916-18" [Chronology of Namibian History 1916-18] (in German). Retrieved 3 Aug 2010.
- Jacobson, Peter J.; Jacobson, Kathryn M.; Seely, Mary K. (1995). Ephemeral rivers and their catchments: Sustaining people and development in western Namibia (PDF 8.7MB). Windhoek: Desert Research Foundation of Namibia. pp. 132–133. ISBN 9991670947.
- Grünert, Nicole (2000). Namibia. Fascination of Geology. Windhoek · Göttingen: Klaus Hess Publishers. p. 64. ISBN 99916-747-8-0.
- "Twyfelfontein Lodge, Damaraland, Namibia". NamibWeb. Retrieved 4 Aug 2010.
- "Twyfelfontein or ǀUi-ǁAis". UNESCO. 28 June 2007.
- Ouzman, Introduction.
- Ouzman, pp. 1–15.
- "World Heritage Committee inscribes two natural, one mixed, and four cultural sites onto UNESCO's World Heritage List". UNESCO. 28 June 2007.
- Ouzman, Conclusion.
- Ouzman, pp. 10–12.
- Hardy, Paula; Firestone, Matthew D (2007). Botswana & Namibia (Multi Country Guide). Lonely Planet. p. 295. ISBN 978-1-74104-760-8.
- Rice, Mary; Gibson, Craig (2003). Heat, Dust and Dreams: An Exploration of People and Environment in Namibia's Kaokoland and Damaraland. Struik Publishers. p. 47. ISBN 978-1-86872-632-5.
- Ouzman, pp. 1–3.
- Viereck, A.; Rudner, J. (1957). "Twyfelfontein: A Centre of Prehistoric Art in South West Africa". The South African Archaeological Bulletin. 12 (45): 15–26. doi:10.2307/3886436. JSTOR 3886436.
- Schneider, Gabi (2004). The Roadside Geology of Namibia. Sammlung Geologischer Führer. Vol. 97. Berlin · Stuttgart: Gebrüder Borntraeger. p. 120. ISBN 3-443-15080-2.
- Shigwedha, Absalom (June 29, 2007). "Twyfelfontein gets international recognition". The Namibian.
- Shigwedha, Absalom (27 June 2013). "Shikongo urges Namibia to take care of heritage site". The Namibian. Archived from the original on 28 June 2013.
- Ouzman, Sven. "Rock Art of Twyfelfontein, Namibia, Africa. Twyfelfontein Site Report". Bradshaw Foundation. Retrieved 4 Aug 2010.
- Scherz, Ernst-Rudolf (1975). Felsbilder in Südwest-Afrika. Teil II: Die Gravierungen im Nordwesten Südwest-Afrikas [Rock Art in South-West Africa. Volume II: The engravings in north-western South West Africa] (in German). Cologne: Böhlau Verlag. ISBN 978-3-412-03374-3.
- Breunig, Peter (2014). Archäologischer Reiseführer Namibia (in German). Frankfurt a. M.: Africa Magna Verlag. ISBN 978-3-937248-39-4.
Trochę trwa odgruzowanie tylnej kanapy pod którą schowane są narzędzia. Potem razem z lokalnym przewodnikiem zmieniam im to koło, bo albo nie przeszli szkolenia ze zmiany koła, albo natura obdarzyła ich rękoma nie od pary (lewymi).
Sama operacja zmiany koła zajmuje niewiele ponad 15 minut. Więcej czasu zeszło na wyjmowanie i chowanie narzędzi. Fajnie jest komuś pomóc 😊 Lokalny przewodnik miał całe auto swoich turystów, jednak nie zostawił bez pomocy innych w potrzebie. Zeszło ponad pół godziny i słońce powoli zaczęło nam uciekać za horyzont.
Dopiero rano jesteśmy w stanie ocenić okolicę w zasięgu większym niż kilka metrów promienia latarki. Hmm… z jednej strony otwarta przestrzeń… coś jak sawanna… a z drugiej strony w drodze pod prysznic można spotkać słonia. Trochę się zasłonił za krzakiem i gdyby nie strażnik, to całkiem możliwe, że byśmy przeszli obok nie zauważając go.
Z kolei naszemu śniadaniu przygląda się dzioborożec.
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